Black History: Forty Years After Supreme Court Upheld “Death Qualification” of Juries, Data Consistently Shows Disproportionate Racial Exclusion

The Constitution man­dates that juries be drawn from a fair cross-sec­tion” of the com­mu­ni­ty. Yet pub­lic opin­ion polls show that a sub­stan­tial por­tion of the com­mu­ni­ty oppos­es the death penal­ty. How, then, can the gov­ern­ment seat a jury that will fair­ly decide whether to impose the death penal­ty and pro­tect a defendant’s con­sti­tu­tion­al jury rights? 

The legal system’s long­stand­ing answer to this ques­tion is a pro­ce­dure called death qual­i­fi­ca­tion,” which allows pros­e­cu­tors to dis­miss any prospec­tive jurors who say they will not ever impose a death sen­tence. Forty years ago, in Lockhart v. McCree (1986), the U.S. Supreme Court was con­front­ed with social sci­ence research demon­strat­ing that the death qual­i­fi­ca­tion process result­ed in a jury that was not only more like­ly to sen­tence a per­son to death, but to con­vict them. The Court was asked to decide whether the removal of prospec­tive jurors opposed to the death penal­ty uncon­sti­tu­tion­al­ly vio­lat­ed the fair cross sec­tion require­ment of the Sixth Amendment. 

The Court answered no. The state has a legit­i­mate inter­est to impan­el jurors who can prop­er­ly and impar­tial­ly apply the law to the facts of the case at both the guilt and sen­tenc­ing phas­es of a cap­i­tal tri­al.” The essence of a fair cross-sec­tion’ claim is the sys­tem­at­ic exclu­sion of a dis­tinc­tive group in the com­mu­ni­ty,’” then-Justice William Rehnquist wrote for the 6 – 3 major­i­ty, and groups defined sole­ly in terms of shared atti­tudes” did not qual­i­fy as dis­tinc­tive. He offered con­trast­ing exam­ples. “‘Death qual­i­fi­ca­tion,’ unlike the whole­sale exclu­sion of [B]lacks, women, or Mexican-Americans from jury ser­vice,” he wrote, is care­ful­ly designed to serve” the state’s inter­ests. The major­i­ty con­clud­ed there was very lit­tle dan­ger” that death qual­i­fi­ca­tion was or could become a means for the State to arbi­trar­i­ly skew the com­po­si­tion of capital-case juries.” 

But in the decades since the deci­sion, stud­ies have con­clu­sive­ly demon­strat­ed that death qual­i­fi­ca­tion does just that. Black Americans — and Black women in par­tic­u­lar — are exclud­ed from cap­i­tal juries in large num­bers because they are more like­ly to oppose the death penal­ty. And evi­dence sug­gests that pros­e­cu­tors rec­og­nize this effect, and some use it along­side peremp­to­ry strikes to engi­neer whiter capital juries. 

This Black History Month, the Death Penalty Information Center exam­ines the trou­bling lega­cy of Lockhart at 40

The Long History of Racial Discrimination in Jury Selection 

There have been sys­tem­at­ic efforts to exclude peo­ple of col­or from jury par­tic­i­pa­tion for cen­turies. Across the United States, dur­ing the 18th and 19th cen­turies, jury ser­vice was legal­ly lim­it­ed to white male prop­er­ty own­ers. In Swain v. Alabama (1965), the Supreme Court heard the case of a Black man sen­tenced to death for rape by an all-white jury, in a coun­ty where no Black per­son had served on a jury in over a decade. Such out­comes were not anom­alies but the prod­uct of inten­tion­al, sys­tem­at­ic exclu­sion of Black cit­i­zens from jury service. 

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