University Wire (University of Florida)

October 142004

Editorial

The Supreme Court has filled its dock­et with thorny issues dur­ing the clos­ing stages of an elec­tion in which the court’s future is an impor­tant cam­paign issue.

The court heard argu­ments Wednesday as to whether a 2003 Missouri Supreme Court rul­ing that decid­ed exe­cut­ing a juve­nile offend­er who com­mit­ted mur­der at age 17 would vio­late the Eighth Amendment, which bans cru­el and unusu­al pun­ish­ment.

The list of nations that exe­cute juve­nile offend­ers reads like a who’s who of human rights abusers, state spon­sors of ter­ror­ism and the United States. America has no place next to China, Iran, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia — nations with few, if any, civ­il free­doms and abysmal human rights records. The court would be long over­due in remov­ing the United States from this list.

The death penal­ty should not be elim­i­nat­ed entire­ly, for it is some­times the only viable pun­ish­ment states can offer in response to tru­ly heinous crimes. However, it should be lim­it­ed to indi­vid­u­als 18 years of age or old­er.

Executions have been banned alto­geth­er or reserved for legal adults in 30 states. Florida and four oth­er states con­sid­er juve­nile offend­ers adults when they turn 17. Seventeen states con­sid­er 16-year-old offend­ers to be adults eli­gi­ble for the death penal­ty. There are 72 juve­nile offend­ers on death row, and 22 exe­cu­tions of juve­nile offend­ers have occurred since 1976.

When the court’s nine jus­tices issue their rul­ing on this case, they should con­sid­er the age of the offend­ers, who, research sug­gests, still are devel­op­ing phys­i­cal­ly and emo­tion­al­ly and may not ful­ly real­ize the bru­tal­i­ty and grav­i­ty of their crimes.

Instead of shirk­ing divi­sive cas­es dur­ing a divi­sive elec­tion, the Supreme Court has cho­sen to exer­cise its gov­ern­men­tal branch’s full pow­er in inter­pret­ing the Constitution.

Justices will take a side in a cul­ture war that has gal­va­nized con­ser­v­a­tive Christians and strict con­sti­tu­tion­al­ists. Displaying the Ten Commandments in pub­lic build­ings has ignit­ed a firestorm of debate about America’s reli­gious roots and the role of the gov­ern­ment to pre­serve the nation’s reli­gious plu­ral­ism.

Tuesday, the jus­tices agreed to hear a pair of cas­es — one from Kentucky and one from Texas — that will give them the oppor­tu­ni­ty to decide the issue. Their rul­ing is expect­ed by July.

The sep­a­ra­tion of church and state is para­mount, and the court must main­tain the wall that pre­vents the gov­ern­ment from endors­ing a par­tic­u­lar reli­gion. Conservative Christians have got­ten lost in this case’s reeds. The mer­its of the com­mand­ments are not being debat­ed, and the val­ues they espouse should be prac­ticed in every­day soci­ety with­out a reli­gious man­date.

When mak­ing their deci­sions, the court’s jus­tices should hon­or the bound­aries between church and state that have kept both insti­tu­tions strong for more than two cen­turies. Conservative Christians have argued that this coun­try was built upon a Judeo-Christian foun­da­tion, and, while there is a basis for those argu­ments, it often is ignored that America’s founders were adamant that the nation should not spon­sor any reli­gion.

In the past, the court has out­lawed offi­cial prayer at pub­lic school grad­u­a­tion cer­e­monies and ruled that states can­not pay for stu­dents’ reli­gious train­ing. When decid­ing the Ten Commandments case, the court should deter­mine that reli­gious sym­bols — rep­re­sent­ing any creed — are not appro­pri­ate in pub­lic spaces.

In recent rul­ings — regard­ing every­thing from affir­ma­tive action to the exe­cu­tion of mod­er­ate­ly men­tal­ly retard­ed offend­ers — the court’s pro­gres­sive jus­tices have scored vic­to­ries. It is essen­tial the Constitution is con­tin­ued to be inter­pret­ed through this bal­anced, moderate lens.

Sources

University Wire (University of Florida)