The death penal­ty and lynch­ing were instru­ments of white suprema­cist polit­i­cal and social pow­er” in North Carolina, diverg­ing in form but not in func­tion. So writes University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill American Studies Professor Seth Kotch In his new­ly released book, Lethal State: A History of the Death Penalty in North Carolina. Lethal State tracks North Carolina’s use of the death penal­ty from post-Civil War Reconstruction to the present. Kotch sum­ma­rizes the through line of cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment, say­ing, The death penalty’s habits in North Carolina includ­ed prey­ing on the men­tal­ly com­pro­mised, peo­ple of col­or, and peo­ple in pover­ty … and above all, express­ing the cru­el­ties and prej­u­dices of white suprema­cy by assert­ing through its uneven out­comes the rule that white lives — espe­cial­ly edu­cat­ed, white lives of means — mattered most.”

Kotch’s book shines a light on the con­tin­u­ing pat­terns of racial injus­tice from the Carolina colony’s first exe­cu­tion — that of a Native American accused of killing a white woman — through the era of lynch­ing and Jim Crow, and on to the dis­pro­por­tion­ate use of cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment against racial minori­ties in North Carolina today. In the sec­ond half of the 1800s through the estab­lish­ment of Jim Crow apartheid in the first half of the 1900s, Kotch writes, the death penal­ty and lynch­ings were sym­bi­ot­ic,” with lynch­ing pro­vid­ed a scaf­fold­ing on which to build a death penal­ty — one that dis­pro­por­tion­ate­ly tar­get­ed African American men … until the death penal­ty was strong enough to stand on its own.” The state’s Jim Crow death penal­ty felt more like an expres­sion of state pow­er than a blow against it, and that threat of racial vio­lence, Kotch writes, was fun­da­men­tal to its existence.” 

Experts on North Carolina’s death penal­ty have laud­ed the impor­tance and pow­er of the book. Ken Rose, a long­time death-penal­ty defense attor­ney at the Center for Death Penalty Litigation, said, Seth Kotch fills his well-doc­u­ment­ed and exhaus­tive­ly researched book about North Carolina’s his­to­ry of exe­cu­tions with spec­tac­u­lar tales of the state’s fail­ure to mete out jus­tice reli­ably and to treat per­sons of col­or and the poor fair­ly.” Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, a pro­fes­sor of his­to­ry at UNC-Chapel Hill, said, Few his­tor­i­cal stud­ies have so thor­ough­ly refo­cused my under­stand­ing of one of the fore­most issues of our time: the crim­i­nal jus­tice sys­tem’s per­sis­tent­ly inequitable treat­ment of African American men.”

Kotch pro­vides stark data to sup­port his the­sis: Between the end of the Civil War and 1910, 74 per­cent of those exe­cut­ed were African Americans, although their pro­por­tion of the pop­u­la­tion nev­er exceed­ed 38 per­cent. From between 1910 and 1961, 78 per­cent of those exe­cut­ed were black men, most for crimes with white vic­tims. Adding American Indians, a full 80 per­cent of those exe­cut­ed were peo­ple of col­or and just one white per­son was exe­cut­ed for a crime against a per­son of col­or.” The North Carolina death penal­ty of the ear­ly twen­ti­eth cen­tu­ry over­whelm­ing­ly con­tin­ued to pun­ish the same peo­ple (African Americans) for the same crimes (mur­der, rape, bur­glary) against the same peo­ple (white vic­tims) as did lynch­ing.” First-degree bur­glary, he writes, made it unlaw­ful for a black man to be present in a home occu­pied by white women, and “[t]hose exe­cut­ed for bur­glary in North Carolina were always black, their vic­tims were always white, and the crimes that result­ed in exe­cu­tions almost always car­ried the hint of inter­ra­cial sex­u­al vio­lence.” North Carolina con­duct­ed 67 exe­cu­tions for rape between 1910 and 1950, near­ly all involv­ing black men accused of rap­ing white women. Overall, 78% of those exe­cut­ed in North Carolina between 1910 and 1961 were black men, most accused of crimes against white victims.

In a June 19 radio inter­view on WUNC, Kotch said he wrote Lethal State because it seemed like this huge­ly impor­tant moral deci­sion that a state…would make, that seemed to hap­pen in dark­ness and with­out a good deal of dis­cus­sion, and so I want­ed to pro­vide a lit­tle bit of light.” Kotch also dis­cuss­es the state’s abortive imple­men­ta­tion of a Racial Justice Act, which leg­is­la­tors passed to allow death-row pris­on­ers to present sta­tis­ti­cal evi­dence of racial bias to chal­lenge their death sen­tences and then repealed after a court found sys­temic evi­dence of dis­crim­i­na­to­ry prac­tices across the state. The inter­view also cov­ers the de fac­to exe­cu­tion mora­to­ri­um in place in North Carolina, which has not car­ried out an exe­cu­tion since 2006 because state law requires a doc­tor to par­tic­i­pate in exe­cu­tions, but the North Carolina Medical Board has said it will pun­ish physi­cians who par­tic­i­pate because their involve­ment vio­lates medical ethics.

Citation Guide
Sources

Seth Kotch, Lethal State: A History of the Death Penalty in North Carolina, University of North Carolina Press, 2019; Dana Terry and Frank Stasio, Lethal State: North Carolina’s Delicate Dance With Death, WUNC, June 192019.