The Court now consistently limits opportunities for prisoners to access the courts; criticizes appeals as “serial relitigation of final convictions”; and instructs courts to “police carefully against attempts to use [stays of execution] as tools to interpose unjustified delay,” warning that “[l]ast-minute stays should be the extreme exception, not the norm.”
Unsurprisingly, the Court’s new approach has resulted in an overall decline in death penalty cert grants and opinions. In 2024, the Court issued just one opinion in a death penalty case on its regular docket. Other than in 2021, when COVID-19 may have influenced the Court’s docket, this year’s single opinion represents a six-year low. In six of the last seven years, the Court has issued as many or more “shadow docket” opinions — decided without oral argument and in some instances, without explanation.
In 2024, death-sentenced prisoners asked the Court to review constitutional claims in their cases or grant a stay of execution 148 times. The Court agreed just three times, twice in the same case. On only two occasions did state actors ask the Court to hear an appeal — and the Court said yes both times. This year’s statistics are similar to 2023, when the Court granted only four of 158 prisoner requests (2.5%), and two of five state requests (40%). These numbers also illustrate the fact that most prisoners lose their appeals in state courts. Since the beginning of the 2018 term, the Court has granted just five of 155 prisoner requests for a stay of execution (3%) but granted 20 of 22 (91%) state requests to vacate a stay and allow the execution to proceed.
The Court’s recent directives also reveal a preoccupation with obtaining “finality” in capital cases and a general distrust of defense lawyers and their clients when they challenge execution warrants. Paired with its shrinking capital docket, the Court’s new limits on federal review display a strong deference to state actors and a retreat from the Court’s traditional role as the “last resort” for those sentenced to death.
Overturning Relief in Ineffective Counsel Cases
The Court took action in two cases that involved claims of ineffective assistance of counsel, both times at the request of state actors, and both times overturned grants of relief.
In Thornell v. Jones, Danny Lee Jones, who was sentenced to death in Arizona in 1993, alleged ineffective assistance of counsel because his attorney failed to present critical mitigating evidence, secure a defense mental health expert, or pursue recommended neurological testing of his client. This meant the jury never learned that Mr. Jones had received treatment for mood disorders, had attempted suicide, spent time in a mental institution, and suffered multiple neurochemical deficiencies.
On May 30, the Supreme Court reversed a grant of relief for Mr. Jones at the Ninth Circuit and issued a 6 – 3 opinion in favor of Arizona, holding that Mr. Jones did not receive ineffective assistance of counsel. In a narrow fact-specific ruling, Justice Samuel Alito wrote for the majority that the Ninth Circuit “downplayed the serious aggravating factors present here and overstated the strength of mitigating evidence that differed very little from the evidence presented at sentencing.”
Joined by Justice Elena Kagan, Justice Sonia Sotomayor dissented. She wrote that the “record in this case is complex, contested, and thousands of pages long,” and it “is not the Court’s usual practice to adjudicate either legal or predicate factual questions in the first instance.” Justice Sotomayor said she would have vacated the ruling below and allowed the Ninth Circuit to reconsider the case. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson also dissented, agreeing that the Supreme Court is “not the right tribunal to parse the extensive factual record in this case.” She also wrote that the majority’s argument “rings hollow” because its “real critique does not appear to relate to the…methodology.”
A few weeks after releasing its opinion in Thornell, the Court granted Alabama’s request for certiorari in Alabama v. Williams, a case with a long and complicated procedural history. Mr. Williams had argued that his attorney was ineffective for failing to investigate adequately and present evidence of sexual abuse and trauma he suffered as a child. After several years of proceedings, a federal district court judge held an evidentiary hearing and concluded that Mr. Williams had been prejudiced by his attorney’s failures. A divided panel from the Eleventh Circuit affirmed the grant of habeas relief, with the dissent arguing that the evidence would have resulted in the admission of additional aggravating evidence in support of the death sentence. Alabama appealed.
The cert petition had been closely watched and found support from eighteen state attorneys general who filed an amicus curiae brief in support of Alabama. One question in the case was whether the federal court could grant relief despite the state courts’ denials of relief. The Eleventh Circuit had held that no deference was required because the court of appeals’ decision affirming the denial was on jurisdictional grounds, not “on the merits.” Amici argued that allowing the Eleventh Circuit’s grant of relief to stand would “broaden the scope of the federal habeas statute by refusing deference to a state appellate court’s procedural affirmance of a trial court’s merits opinion.”
Without issuing an opinion, the Court summarily vacated the Eleventh Circuit’s judgment for Mr. Williams and remanded the case for further consideration in light of its decision in Thornell, which had also involved questions about the effect of the aggravating and mitigating evidence. But the ultimate outcome of the case may also have important implications for the scope and effect of federal habeas judgments, which Alabama and amici argue improperly override state court criminal-law determinations and undermine state sovereignty.
Multistate Amicus Briefs Criticize Federal Habeas Authority
The amicus brief that attracted 18 state attorneys general in Williams is not an outlier. Since the beginning of 2022, the Court has decided 14 capital cases, and eight of those cases (57%) attracted the interest of a coordinated group of state attorneys general — including all three capital cases decided this year. These briefs uniformly criticize federal court review of state court death penalty decisions and argue for increased recognition of state sovereignty and autonomy. The briefs repeatedly characterize federal court rulings in favor of death-sentenced prisoners as ideological decisions that inappropriately disturb the “finality” of state judgments. In Thornell, 21 state attorneys general, led by South Dakota, argued that “federal habeas corpus courts are not permitted to simply second-guess and usurp state sentencing judgments and force states to relitigate sentences in perpetuity.”
Published Dissents Confirm Court’s Sharp Ideological Divide
This year again saw several justices routinely dissent from the Court’s denials of certiorari review. The dissenting justices focused on serious allegations of official misconduct and expressed frustration with the Court’s failure to enforce key precedents.
At Warren King’s trial in Georgia, the prosecutor struck 87.5% of Black potential jurors but only 8.8% of white potential jurors. When asked to explain one of the strikes, the prosecutor responded that “this lady is a black female” — a straightforward violation of Batson v. Kentucky (1986) and its progeny, which bar prosecutors from striking jurors based on race or gender. The trial judge found that the strike was racially motivated and placed the woman back on the jury. The prosecutor then “erupted into a rant against Batson,” leading the trial judge to admonish him. Despite this evidence of motive and intent, the Georgia Supreme Court found that the prosecutor’s other strikes excluding Black people were not racially motivated, the Eleventh Circuit affirmed, and the Supreme Court denied cert.
Justices Jackson and Sotomayor dissented, writing that the Supreme Court should have granted certiorari and summarily reversed under Batson. Justice Jackson argued that the Georgia Supreme Court had “ignored highly salient facts about the prosecutor’s admittedly discriminatory strike behavior and antipathy toward the legal standards that address such conduct.” Importantly to Justice Jackson, this was not an isolated incident: the Eleventh Circuit’s failure to recognize error “reflects a neglectful response to the apparent trend of disturbingly lax Batson enforcement on the part of Georgia’s high court.” Justice Jackson cited four times to Flowers v. Mississippi (2019), in which the Court ruled in favor of death-sentenced prisoner Curtis Flowers based on an egregious history of Batson violations, to emphasize what she viewed as the Court’s inconsistent treatment of these claims.
When the Court declined to review Dillion Compton’s jury race discrimination claims in April, Justices Sotomayor and Jackson dissented again. Texas prosecutors used thirteen of their fifteen peremptory strikes to remove female prospective jurors at Mr. Compton’s trial, and their only explanation was the women’s views on the death penalty. Justice Sotomayor wrote that the Court should have summarily reversed, because the lower court’s reasoning had clearly disregarded precedent.
In Kurt Michaels’ case, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals held that his confession was illegally obtained and wrongly used against him at trial. However, the court also held that the error was harmless and denied Mr. Michaels relief. Justice Jackson dissented from the Supreme Court’s refusal to hear Mr. Michael’s appeal, arguing that the Ninth Circuit was “inattentive to the uniquely prejudicial nature of confession evidence.” The jury deliberated for over three days before returning a verdict of death — an indication that the jury was struggling with its sentencing decision and that his confession may have tipped the scales. The “Fifth Amendment protects everyone, guilty and innocent alike,” Justice Jackson argued, and “courts must be careful to safeguard the rights that our Constitution protects, even when (and perhaps especially when) evaluating errors made in cases stemming from a terrible crime.”
A Lack of Reliable Legal Pathways for Innocents
Public awareness about the reality that innocent people are sentenced to death has grown steadily in recent years. This year, several high-profile cases of innocence attracted unusual attention and supporters, along with intense media coverage. Although the Supreme Court has long maintained that actual innocence is not enough on its own to obtain relief from a death sentence, the Court’s refusal to intervene in several prominent cases this year was still noteworthy.
On September 24, Missouri executed Marcellus Williams despite a national campaign for clemency that attracted more than 1.5 million supporters on social media. Mr. Williams was convicted and sentenced to death despite a complete absence of physical evidence connecting him to the crime. Two witnesses, now deceased, had been given financial incentives to testify against him at trial. The district attorney supported a plea deal that would have removed Mr. Williams from death row, but the deal was blocked by the unexpected intervention of the state attorney general and the Missouri Supreme Court. When Governor Mike Parson denied clemency, Mr. Williams turned to the U.S. Supreme Court as a last resort. But in an unsigned order with no explanation, the Court declined to halt his execution. Justices Kagan, Sotomayor, and Jackson dissented.
The Supreme Court also declined to intervene in the high-profile case of Robert Roberson, a Texas man sentenced to death for allegedly killing his two-year-old daughter Nikki under a “shaken baby syndrome” (SBS) theory. The SBS theory has been largely debunked by experts and has resulted in dozens of exonerations across the country. Experts now say that pneumonia, an accidental fall, and inappropriate medical treatment likely caused Nikki’s symptoms, contradicting prosecutors, who argued at trial that they could only have resulted from abuse.
Justice Sotomayor’s statement expressed dismay that the Court did not review Mr. Roberson’s case and emphasized that “mounting evidence suggests that [Mr. Roberson]…committed no crime at all.” She noted the lack of reliable legal pathways for death-sentenced prisoners to prove their innocence. “Few cases more urgently call for such a remedy than one where the accused has made a serious showing of actual innocence, as Roberson has here,” she wrote. But “[c]urrent postconviction remedies often fail to correct convictions ‘secured by what we now know was faulty science.’” She urged Texas Governor Abbott to issue “an executive reprieve of thirty days” to “prevent a miscarriage of justice from occurring: executing a man who has raised credible evidence of actual innocence.” Ultimately, it was a Texas legislative committee’s last-minute issuance of a subpoena that stayed Mr. Roberson’s execution, not the Court or Governor Abbott.
The Supreme Court’s two pending death penalty cases both involve innocence claims, but the Court’s decisions will likely turn on procedural questions. Richard Glossip was convicted and sentenced to death in Oklahoma based on the testimony of his coworker Justin Sneed, who admitted that he alone had killed their boss in 1997 but alleged that Mr. Glossip had hired him to do it. Evidence later emerged that prosecutors had offered leniency to Mr. Sneed if he implicated Mr. Glossip and hidden evidence that Mr. Sneed was being treated for bipolar disorder. After an independent investigation, Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond confessed error and supported Mr. Glossip’s bid for a new trial. When the Oklahoma courts refused to do so and set Mr. Glossip’s execution, Attorney General Drummond filed a petition in support of Mr. Glossip at the Supreme Court. State officials rarely concede error in death penalty cases, and this is the first known Supreme Court case in which a state attorney general has filed in support of a death-sentenced prisoner. Attorney General Drummond’s unprecedented support for Mr. Glossip was likely an important reason the Court decided to take the case.
The Court heard oral arguments on October 9, focusing on a jurisdictional question the Court itself added when it granted certiorari and the central question regarding the importance of the prosecutorial misconduct in the case. Justice Neil Gorsuch recused himself because he had heard an earlier appeal when he was a circuit judge, meaning that Mr. Glossip will need at least five votes to prevail. A 4 – 4 decision will mean that the decision of the Oklahoma courts denying relief to Mr. Glossip will stand.
On the last day of its 2023 – 24 term, which concluded in early October, the Court granted certiorari to Ruben Gutierrez, who received a stay from the Court in July just twenty minutes before his scheduled execution. This was the only stay granted to a death-sentenced prisoner in 2024 out of 26 requests. The Court will review a complex claim involving Mr. Gutierrez’s standing to sue the state of Texas for access to DNA testing on crime scene evidence he argues could affect his conviction and death sentence. Texas courts have refused him access to the testing despite numerous requests, a stance inconsistent with the Supreme Court’s 2023 decision in Reed v. Goertz.
Non-Capital Cert Grant Poses Further Risk to Habeas Review
On December 6, the Supreme Court granted certiorari in Rivers v. Lumpkin, a Texas case which asks whether a new claim filed while an initial habeas petition is pending on appeal should be treated as an amendment to the petition or a successive petition. Under federal law, successive petitions are subject to much stricter requirements. The Fifth and Ninth Circuit Courts of Appeal have ruled that such a claim should be construed as a successive petition, while the Second Circuit held that such a claim should be treated as an amendment, in an opinion by Justice Sotomayor before she joined the Supreme Court.
Court Declines Invitation to Consider New Eighth Amendment Standard — For Now
On November 4, the Court ended a year of indecision regarding Alabama’s request to review a prisoner’s intellectual disability claim by issuing a two-page ruling and requesting additional information from the lower court. Joseph Clifton Smith, sentenced to death in 1998, had received five IQ scores ranging from 72 to 78, and experts found that his IQ could be as low as 69 based on statistical adjustments. A score of 70 or below is considered by experts to be a strong indicator of intellectual disability. A district court granted relief to Mr. Smith based on his IQ scores and adaptive deficits, and the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed.
The Supreme Court held that the Eleventh Circuit’s approach to evaluating multiple IQ scores was “unclear” and asked it to clarify whether the lower end of the estimated IQ range was “dispositive” in determining intellectual disability, or whether courts should use “a more holistic approach to multiple IQ scores that considers the relevant evidence.” The Court noted that its “ultimate assessment of any petition for certiorari by the State may depend on the basis for the Eleventh Circuit’s decision.” Justices Thomas and Gorsuch noted that they would have granted certiorari and set the case for oral argument.
The case, Hamm v. Smith, set a Supreme Court record as the case distributed for conference the most times before a decision. The justices scheduled it thirty times over fourteen months before issuing a per curiam ruling and remand. Few cases are ever distributed for conference more than once.
One likely reason for the Court’s lengthy indecision was the case’s possible threat to a key Eighth Amendment doctrine: that courts evaluate the meaning of “cruel and unusual punishments” by looking to “evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society.” The Supreme Court has used this test in almost 70 years of jurisprudence, including landmark rulings that restrained use of the death penalty against juveniles, people with intellectual disability, people who are not mentally competent at the time of execution, and people who commit non-homicide crimes. A group of 14 state attorneys general filed an amicus brief in Hamm v. Smith arguing that the Court should abandon the test and instead “ground its Eighth Amendment jurisprudence in the Constitution’s test, history, and structure.” If the Court agreed to this approach, it would no longer consider current societal views and attitudes as relevant and would instead look to how punishment was viewed at the time the Constitution was ratified in 1789.1
Although the Court’s summary ruling in Hamm did not mention the “evolving standards of decency” test, several justices have signaled in the past that they believe an “originalist” interpretation is the correct approach to Eighth Amendment challenges.
Ten days after the ruling, the Eleventh Circuit responded to the Court with a brief new opinion clarifying that it used a “holistic approach” when evaluating Mr. Smith’s IQ scores. “We unambiguously reject any suggestion that a court may ever conclude that a capital defendant suffers from significantly subaverage intellectual function based solely on the…lower end of the standard-error range for his lowest of multiple IQ scores,” the court wrote.
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Mississippi was one of the states asking the Court to strike down the “evolving standards of decency” test. This year, Mississippi also argued in federal court that prisoners should only get habeas relief if they can prove that they are innocent, in addition to proving a constitutional violation. Factual innocence has never been a requirement under AEDPA or other habeas laws, and indeed, would mean that people sentenced to death who committed the crime would have no means to challenge their sentence in federal court based on intellectual disability or other factors that constitutionally exempt them from execution. A panel of Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals judges endorsed Mississippi’s theory, but the full Fifth Circuit vacated their opinion, and on November 22 issued a new en banc opinion that made no mention of an innocence requirement — effectively burying the theory. ↩︎