Victims of vio­lence and ter­ror are not nec­es­sar­i­ly well served by a sys­tem that promis­es clo­sure” in the form of the death penal­ty, accord­ing to a recent Washington Post col­umn by Dahlia Lithwick. Among oth­er cas­es, the author ques­tions the assump­tions in the fed­er­al gov­ern­men­t’s case against Zacarias Moussaoui as it relates to the needs of the fam­i­ly mem­bers from the September 11th attack:

The death penal­ty tri­al of Zacarias Moussaoui has been tout­ed by the gov­ern­ment as a way to bring res­o­lu­tion to bereft fam­i­lies. Hundreds watch the pro­ceed­ings on remote, closed-cir­cuit tele­vi­sions. Dozens will tes­ti­fy about their loss­es. This will be their day in court.” Since as far back as 2002, when then-Attorney General John D. Ashcroft announced he’d seek the death penal­ty for Moussaoui to car­ry out jus­tice,” it’s been assumed that this out­come would bring clo­sure. Just as, in 2001, when Ashcroft decid­ed that fam­i­ly mem­bers of the Oklahoma City bomb­ing vic­tims could wit­ness the exe­cu­tion of Timothy McVeigh on closed-cir­cuit tele­vi­sion, he said it would meet their need for closure.”

Why? What’s the empir­i­cal basis for the gov­ern­ment assump­tion that all, or even most vic­tims of ter­ri­ble tragedy will find clo­sure” through pro­tract­ed tri­als and exe­cu­tions?

In a sem­i­nal 1985 law review arti­cle, law pro­fes­sor Lynne Henderson exam­ined the rela­tion­ship between vic­tims’ rights and crim­i­nal jus­tice pol­i­cy. Looking care­ful­ly at the psy­cho­log­i­cal data on the needs of vic­tims, Henderson dis­cov­ered a wide array of respons­es to tragedy — respons­es that dif­fer wide­ly from vic­tim to vic­tim, and that change sig­nif­i­cant­ly over a vic­tim’s life­time. More cru­cial­ly, Henderson’s research reveals that com­mon assump­tions about crime vic­tims — that they are all out­raged’ and want revenge and tougher law enforce­ment — under­lie much of the cur­rent vic­tim’s rights rhetoric. But in light of the exist­ing psy­cho­log­i­cal evi­dence, these assump­tions fail to address the expe­ri­ence and real needs of past vic­tims.”

Criminal tri­als and the promise of an exe­cu­tion offer a seem­ing­ly appeal­ing tool for assign­ing blame and chan­nel­ing rage. But many crime vic­tims have report­ed that the end­less rep­e­ti­tion of their trag­ic sto­ries, the for­mal legal rules, and the years and years between appeals only serve to increase stress and delay heal­ing.

Many, many vic­tims of vio­lent tragedy object to this assump­tion that their inter­est in jus­tice is con­gru­ent with that of state pros­e­cu­tors seek­ing the death penal­ty. Just last month, Vicki Schieber, the moth­er of Shannon Schieber, a Wharton Business School stu­dent mur­dered in 1998 by a ser­i­al rapist, tes­ti­fied before the U.S. Senate’s sub­com­mit­tee on the Constitution, civ­il rights and prop­er­ty rights. As she told the com­mit­tee: The word clo­sure is invoked so fre­quent­ly in dis­cus­sions of vic­tims and the death penal­ty that vic­tims’ fam­i­ly mem­bers jok­ing­ly refer to it as the c word.’ But I can tell you with all seri­ous­ness that there is no such thing as clo­sure when a vio­lent crime rips away the life of some­one dear to you.” Schieber tes­ti­fied that a sin­gle-mind­ed gov­ern­ment focus on exe­cu­tions shifts the focus away from oth­er, more mean­ing­ful legal reforms that might bet­ter hon­or vic­tims and sup­port their fam­i­lies.

(Washington Post, March 26, 2007, Outlook Section (empha­sis added). Dahlia Lithwich cov­ers legal affairs for the online mag­a­zine Slate). Read the full text of Lithwick’s col­umn. See Victims and oth­er Sept. 11 material.

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