In March, Oklahoma officials asked the state’s high court to increase the time between executions from 60 to 90 days, citing the “lasting trauma” and “psychological toll” of executions on corrections officers. But Judge Gary Lumpkin dismissed these concerns, telling officials that prison staff needed to “suck it up” and “man up.” A few weeks later, Brian Dorsey was executed in Missouri after the governor ignored the pleas of an unprecedented 72 corrections officers to grant him clemency. “We are part of the law enforcement community who believe in law and order…But we are in agreement that the death penalty is not the appropriate punishment for Brian Dorsey,” the officers had written. Mr. Dorsey was executed not on death row, but 15 miles away at a different prison; the state moved the execution chamber in 2005 in part because of the effect on morale for death row staff who had to execute the same people they had spent years looking after. These examples illustrate how some corrections staff are adversely affected by executions, facing mental health challenges that the legal system often fails to take seriously.
Executions can cause prison staff to suffer psychological distress similar to what veterans experience after war. A 2022 NPR investigation found that corrections officers faced symptoms such as insomnia, nightmares, panic attacks, suicidal thoughts, personality changes, and substance abuse – all hallmarks or comorbidities of post-traumatic stress disorder. Of the 16 people NPR interviewed who participated in executions, none supported the death penalty in their wake. Psychologists use the term “moral injury” to describe how committing an act that contradicts one’s deeply held beliefs, such as causing another person’s death, creates a severe psychological disruption. Robert Jay Lifton and Greg Mitchell coined the term “executioner stress” to describe the specific mental impact of carrying out the death penalty.
Some corrections officers who participate in executions relive their trauma in vivid detail. A former executioner from Mississippi said that his job was like “being in a car wreck that goes on forever.” Ron McAndrew, who ran the electric chair in Florida, drank a bottle of scotch a day after seeing a man’s head catch fire. He said he was “haunted by the men [he] was asked to execute” and would wake up in the middle of the night to find them “lurking at the foot of [his] bed.”
The stress may also extend to guards who do not participate in the execution itself, but develop close relationships with death-sentenced prisoners over the course of decades working on death row. Some corrections officers have remarked that they spend more time with the people on death row than their own families. They may come to see the condemned prisoners as friends, or witness the prisoners’ mental or physical vulnerabilities. In studies, officers have expressed concerns about the arbitrariness of the death penalty, noting that they had worked with many people with life sentences who committed equivalent or worse crimes than the people the officers helped put to death.
South Carolina has a particularly acute history of psychological trauma in executions. A 2021 investigation found that a former South Carolina executioner died by suicide, and two execution team members sued the department of corrections for violating their rights and intentionally inflicting emotional distress by pressuring them to participate in executions without mental health support. Both men are considered permanently disabled due to PTSD and depression from their work. One, Craig Baxley, called himself the “definition of a serial killer” and said that he had considered suicide because he felt that he was “condemned by God.”
After resuming executions this year for the first time since 2011, South Carolina executed Richard Moore on November 1 over the objections of former corrections director Jon Ozmint, who wrote that Mr. Moore had lived an “exemplary life” and served as a “powerful force for good” in the prison system. A few weeks later, the state supreme court announced that it would delay issuing execution warrants until January in order to have a break for the holiday season. The ruling followed a defense motion that argued that “consecutive executions with virtually no respite will take a substantial toll on all involved, particularly during a time of year that is so important to families.”
The psychological toll of performing executions is not a new phenomenon. Donald Cabana and Jerry Givens both conducted executions in the beginning of the modern era, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, and went on to publicly oppose the death penalty. “There is a part of the warden that dies with his prisoner,” Mr. Cabana often said. Journalist Jennifer Gonnerman researched New York’s last four executioners, who oversaw the use of the electric chair from 1913 through 1963, a period during which hundreds of people were put to death. Several of the men experienced medical issues around the time of executions, such as migraines or fainting spells. One, Robert Elliot, later became a prominent death penalty abolitionist. Two of the men, John Hulbert and Dow Hover, died by suicide.
Yet prison staff have long faced a culture of silence about execution-related trauma. “We don’t talk about it,” said Justin Jones, director of the Oklahoma Department of Corrections from 2005 to 2013, who joined the effort to increase the time between executions. “Correctional officers are public servants on the lowest salaries in state government, and they get home at the end of the day and just absorb it.” NPR’s investigation revealed that some execution team members had never even told their families they participated. “We all knew to keep it silent,” said Catarino Escobar, who worked on the execution squad in Nevada. Mr. Escobar was strapped to the gurney when he played the prisoner during a practice session, and he grew panicked and became convinced he was going to die. NPR found that only one of the officers they interviewed had ever received mental health care related to their position, and even when care was offered, it was “overwhelmingly optional” and “many of them avoided asking for it so as not to seem weak.”
In this context, unified efforts by corrections staff to address the psychological effects of executions represent a milestone. The Oklahoma effort originated with a group of nine former Oklahoma corrections officials, who wrote a letter to Attorney General Gentner Drummond asking for extended time based on the detrimental impact of the job and the lack of mental health support. They noted that execution team members experience an increased risk of PTSD, suicide, and substance abuse, and the grueling preparation schedule put staff members throughout the prison on edge due to “near-constant mock executions being conducted within earshot of prisoners’ cells, staff offices, and visiting rooms.” With few state resources at their disposal, some employees even resorted to talking with defense mental health experts visiting the prison “about the distress they are experiencing due to the nonstop executions.”
This compressed execution schedule also increases the risk of something going wrong during the execution process because the stress created by each execution compounds the difficulty of an already complex procedure. If even a routine execution can inflict lasting harm on corrections staff, the traumatic impact of a botched execution is exponentially worse. Oklahoma has experienced this harm on multiple occasions and should not needlessly place its hardworking correctional staff at risk of another such mistake.
Prison staff were reportedly angered by Judge Lumpkin’s comments that they needed to “man up” and the suggestion that their concerns were not valid. “Anybody that thinks that executing somebody is no problem has not been a part of the process,” said Justin “JJ” Humphrey, the state assembly chair of a criminal justice and corrections committee and 20-year veteran of the corrections department. The Oklahoma Court of Criminal Appeals eventually granted the extension request in May.
While acknowledging the similarities between conducting an execution and killing on the battlefield, former corrections director and military veteran Allen L. Ault argued that “there was one major difference”: in war, the “enemy was an anonymous, armed combatant who was threatening my life.” By contrast, “the condemned prisoner is a known human being who is totally defenseless when brought into the death chamber.” He wrote that correctional staff witness the “changed mind-sets and profound remorse” of death-sentenced prisoners over many years, and “the damage [of an execution] spills over into the larger prison community.”
Former Missouri corrections officer Tim Lancaster, a 27-year veteran of the department, expressed similar feelings in describing his disbelief and sadness about Mr. Dorsey’s execution. As the prison barber, Mr. Dorsey was considered “one of the most trusted in the institution” and a “model” for other prisoners. “You’re working with a prisoner for 10 years, you’ve interacted with them every single day, and you can feel they’ve changed,” Mr. Lancaster said. “They’ve really rehabilitated, and that’s the department’s goal — to rehabilitate offenders. All of a sudden they flip the switch, and now it’s like: ‘OK, we’re going ahead and killing them. There has to be an underlying effect from that, without a doubt.”
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