California Cost Study 2011

DPIC Summary

Executing the Will of the Voters?: A roadmap to mend or end the California legislature’s multi-billion dollar death penalty debacle

by Judge Arthur L. Alarcon & Paula M. Mitchell
pub­lished in 44 Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review S41, Special Issue (2011)

Read the entire arti­cle.

Since rein­stat­ing the death penal­ty in 1978, California tax­pay­ers have spent rough­ly $4 bil­lion to fund a dys­func­tion­al death penal­ty sys­tem that has car­ried out no more than 13 executions.” 

UPDATE: Judge Alarcon and Prof. Mitchell issued an updat­ed ver­sion of their arti­cle on the costs of the death penal­ty in California. Their abstract states:

In a 2011 study, the authors exam­ined the his­to­ry of California’s death penal­ty sys­tem to inform vot­ers of the rea­sons for its extra­or­di­nary delays. There, they set forth sug­ges­tions that could be adopt­ed by the leg­is­la­ture or through the ini­tia­tive process that would reduce delays in exe­cut­ing death-penal­ty judg­ments. The study revealed that, since 1978, California’s cur­rent sys­tem has cost the state’s tax­pay­ers $4 bil­lion more than a sys­tem that has life in prison with­out the pos­si­bil­i­ty of parole (‘LWOP’) as its most severe penal­ty. In this arti­cle, the authors update vot­ers on the find­ings pre­sent­ed in their 2011 study. Recent stud­ies reveal that if the cur­rent sys­tem is main­tained, Californians will spend an addi­tion­al $5 bil­lion to $7 bil­lion over the cost of LWOP to fund the bro­ken sys­tem between now and 2050. In that time, rough­ly 740 more inmates will be added to death row, an addi­tion­al four­teen exe­cu­tions will be car­ried out, and more than five hun­dred death-row inmates will die of old age or oth­er caus­es before the state exe­cutes them. Proposition 34, on the November 2012 bal­lot, will give vot­ers the oppor­tu­ni­ty to deter­mine whether they wish to retain the present bro­ken death-penal­ty sys­tem — despite its cost and inef­fec­tive­ness — or whether the appro­pri­ate pun­ish­ment for mur­der with spe­cial cir­cum­stances should be life in prison with­out the pos­si­bil­i­ty of parole.

The new arti­cle is: Judge Arthur L. Alarcón and Paula M. Mitchell, Costs of Capital Punishment in California: Will Voters Choose Reform this November?, 46 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. S1 (2012). It is avail­able in full text at http://​dig​i​tal​com​mons​.lmu​.edu/​l​l​r​/​v​o​l​46​/​i​ss0/1.

Cost Study: California’s Death Penalty is a $4 Billion Capital Blunder

The authors con­clud­ed that the cost of the death penal­ty in California has been over $4 bil­lion since 1978.

Breakdown of Costs in California’s Death Penalty System

Pre-tri­al and Trial Costs$1.94 bil­lion
Automatic Appeals and State Habeas Corpus Petitions
$0.925 bil­lion
Federal Habeas Corpus Appeals$0.775 bil­lion
Costs of Incarceration$1 bil­lion
TOTAL$4.6 bil­lion

Pre-Trial and Trial Costs: $1.94 bil­lion
1,940 cap­i­tal tri­als x $1 mil­lion per tri­al = $1.94 billion

  • California has con­duct­ed approx­i­mate­ly 1,940 cap­i­tal tri­als since 1978
  • Capital tri­als cost on aver­age an addi­tion­al $1 mil­lion more than non-capital cases
  • Capital cas­es often cost 10 to 20 times more than mur­der tri­als that don’t involve the death penalty
  • Additional costs are incurred from a mul­ti­tude of fac­tors: two attor­neys per side (rather than one), mul­ti­ple inves­ti­ga­tors, mul­ti­ple experts in the penal­ty phase of the tri­al, extend­ed jury selec­tion process, the addi­tion­al penal­ty phase, and a longer guilt phase.

Automatic Appeals and State Habeas Corpus Petitions: $925 mil­lion
Estimated $50 mil­lion per year aver­age cost 1999 – 2010 (12 years): $600 mil­lion
Estimated $25 mil­lion per year aver­age cost 1985 – 1998 (13 years): $325 mil­lion
(Does not include esti­mat­ed costs for any appeals filed before 1985)

  • California Supreme Court
    • 2009 cap­i­tal case bud­get: $15,406,000
    • The Supreme Court auto­mat­i­cal­ly con­sid­ers all cap­i­tal cas­es if a sen­tence of death was rendered
    • Defendants have a con­sti­tu­tion­al right to rep­re­sen­ta­tion on direct appeal, which is paid for by the state. The leg­is­la­ture has failed to pro­vide ade­quate fund­ing for the pub­lic agen­cies charged with defend­ing cap­i­tal defen­dants, thus the state has been forced to rely on appoint­ing pri­vate lawyers. The aver­age cost to rep­re­sent a defen­dant in a case in which pri­vate lawyers are hired is between $200,000 and $300,000.
  • Habeas Corpus Resource Center
    • 2009 Budget: $13,857,000
    • The Habeas Corpus Resource Center was cre­at­ed in 1998 by the California legislature.
    • Attorneys from the HCRC are appoint­ed by the California Supreme Court to rep­re­sent indi­gent defen­dants in capital appeals.
  • Office of the State Public Defender
    • 2009 Budget: $12,000,000
    • Originally designed to rep­re­sent indi­gent defen­dants in all appeals, its mis­sion has shift­ed to focus almost exclu­sive­ly on capital appeals.
  • Office of the California Attorney General
    • 2010 bud­get: $115,200,000. About 15% allo­cat­ed to pros­e­cu­tion of death penal­ty appeals: $17,300,000

Annual Costs of Automatic Appeals and State Habeas Corpus Petitions

AgencyMost Recent Capital Appeals Budget
California Supreme Court$15,406,000
Habeas Corpus Resource Center$13,857,000
Office of the State Public Defender$12,000,000
Office of the California Attorney General $17,300,000
Total$58,563,000

Federal Habeas Corpus Appeals: $775 mil­lion
350 CJA cas­es x $635,000 per case = $222,250,000
350 FPD CHU cas­es x $1.58 mil­lion per case = $553,000,000

  • Two orga­ni­za­tions pro­vide the coun­sel for indi­gent defen­dants in capital cases:
    • Federal Public Defender Capital Habeas Units (FPD CHU): rough­ly $1.58 mil­lion per case
    • Criminal Justice Act (CJA) Panel of California: rough­ly $635,000 per case
  • Nearly every con­demned inmate seeks habeas cor­pus relief in fed­er­al court once the CA Supreme Court denies his or her constitutional claims.
  • The costs of pro­vid­ing coun­sel to indi­gent defen­dants in fed­er­al court are borne by fed­er­al tax­pay­ers, rather than the states.
  • Federal courts grant­ed relief (in the form of a new guilt tri­al or a new penal­ty tri­al) in rough­ly 70% of the cas­es that they have reviewed.

Costs of Incarceration: $1 bil­lion since 1978 

  • An offi­cial with­in the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation esti­mat­ed that hous­ing death row inmates costs California an addi­tion­al $90,000 annu­al­ly per inmate. Accounting for infla­tion and the num­ber of inmates on death row each year since 1978, this esti­mate would indi­cate that CA has spent an addi­tion­al $1.02 bil­lion in hous­ing death row inmates since 1978.
  • In 2010, California spent about $70 mil­lion incar­cer­at­ing inmates on death row.
  • California is cur­rent­ly plan­ning the con­struc­tion of a new Condemned Inmate Complex for the sole pur­pose of hous­ing death row inmates.
    • Originally pro­ject­ed to cost $220 mil­lion to con­struct, the total esti­mate for con­struc­tion has bal­looned to $395.5 million dollars.
    • When cou­pled with the costs of acti­va­tion, oper­a­tion, and staffing costs for the first twen­ty years, the total cost for the new CIC will approach $1.7 bil­lion in addi­tion­al tax­pay­er dol­lars, accord­ing to the California State Auditor.
The cur­rent back­log of death penal­ty cas­es is so severe that most of the 714 pris­on­ers now on death row will wait well over 20 years before their cas­es are resolved. Many of these con­demned inmates will thus lan­guish on death row for decades, only to die of nat­ur­al caus­es while still wait­ing for their cas­es to be resolved.” 

Legislative History of the Death Penalty in California

Since 1978, all of the state’s death penal­ty leg­is­la­tion has been adopt­ed through the pas­sage of ini­tia­tives by a major­i­ty of vot­ers. From 1978 to 2000, California vot­ers have raised the num­ber of death-eli­gi­ble crimes from 12 to 39. The Briggs Initiative in 1978, which was pro­posed with the intent of cre­at­ing the nation’s tough­est death penal­ty, more than dou­bled the num­ber of death-eli­gi­ble crimes. Two propo­si­tions passed in 1990 added 5 death-eli­gi­ble crimes and caused the death row pop­u­la­tion to bal­loon from 279 to 461 in just 4 years. Each time the death penal­ty was expand­ed in California, vot­ers were told that the costs of expan­sion were unknown” or minor.”

Considering that habeas cor­pus relief has been grant­ed by fed­er­al courts in 70% of California’s death row inmates’ cas­es, a sig­nif­i­cant num­ber of inmates who died while their peti­tions were pend­ing may have had their con­vic­tions or death sen­tences set aside…but for the uncon­scionable delay in judicial review.” 

Hazardous Conditions Ahead: Potential state and fed­er­al con­sti­tu­tion­al issues aris­ing out of California’s cur­rent death penal­ty scheme

In ana­lyz­ing the past death penal­ty ini­tia­tives enact­ed in California, the authors found sev­er­al issues that could, if reviewed in state or fed­er­al court, lead a court to over­turn California’s death penal­ty. These con­sti­tu­tion­al questions include:

  • Is the cur­rent death penal­ty scheme what California voters intended?
    • California courts rec­og­nize the gen­er­al prin­ci­ple that, in deter­min­ing the valid­i­ty of vot­er ini­tia­tives, they must inter­pret and apply the electorate’s intent. If California’s death penal­ty sys­tem does not func­tion in accor­dance with the elec­torate’s intent, it may not with­stand judi­cial review. The answer to whether vot­ers intend­ed to spend $4 bil­lion on a sys­tem that has result­ed in no more than 13 exe­cu­tions, cer­tain­ly must be a resound­ing No.’ ”
    • In addi­tion, ini­tia­tives are liable to chal­lenge if the infor­ma­tion pro­vid­ed to vot­ers in the vot­ing guide and oth­er state resources was so inac­cu­rate as to ren­der vot­ers inca­pable of mak­ing an informed deci­sion. It is clear from our research that, vot­ing on the death penal­ty ini­tia­tives over a peri­od of 32 years, California vot­ers were not prop­er­ly informed as to what the costs of expand­ing the impo­si­tion of cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment would be; nor were they informed of the fact that if the Legislature failed to pro­vide prop­er fund­ing to car­ry out those ini­tia­tives, it would result in the de fac­to repeal of the death penal­ty, result­ing in what appears to be the weak­est, least effec­tive death penal­ty sys­tem in the nation.”
  • Is the denial of due process ever cru­el and unusual?
    • State and fed­er­al courts, as well as the U.S. Supreme Court, have found that exces­sive delays in the appeals process may con­sti­tute a denial of due process. The lengthy delays cre­at­ed by California’s defunct death penal­ty sys­tem vis­its anoth­er type of harm on anoth­er group of pris­on­ers: those who have died after lan­guish­ing on death row for many years while still await­ing review either of their auto­mat­ic appeals or their poten­tial­ly mer­i­to­ri­ous state or fed­er­al habeas cor­pus claims of constitutional violations.”
    • No court has ruled on whether cap­i­tal appeals, as cur­rent­ly imple­ment­ed in California, deny a pris­on­er due process. Nor has any California case addressed the ques­tion of whether those pris­on­ers who die on death row, wait­ing for their con­sti­tu­tion­al claims to be heard, have been sub­ject­ed to cru­el and unusual punishment.
  • Is our view of the worst of the worst’ overboard?
    • The US Supreme Court in Furman v. Georgia (1972) held that the impo­si­tion of the death penal­ty was cru­el and unusu­al pun­ish­ment unless the dis­cre­tion afford­ed to the sen­tenc­ing body was nar­row­ly tai­lored to fit the small num­ber of crimes where the death penal­ty was pecu­liar­ly appro­pri­ate.” California’s rather expan­sive def­i­n­i­tion of death-eli­gi­ble crimes could run afoul of this require­ment if chal­lenged in court.
Despite the con­sen­sus of state and fed­er­al offi­cials sup­port­ing the call for Congress, the California Legislature, and the Governor to imple­ment the nec­es­sary changes to pro­vide for con­ti­nu­ity of state and fed­er­al cap­i­tal habeas coun­sel, no action has been tak­en to address this com­plete break­down in the sys­tem. There have been no few­er than 13 bills intro­duced in the California Legislature since 2005 that have pro­posed var­i­ous reforms to the admin­is­tra­tion of the death penal­ty in California, includ­ing mora­to­ri­ums, cap­i­tal tri­als, appeals, habeas pro­ceed­ings, or hous­ing of death row inmates. All have either died in com­mit­tee or failed to pass.” 

Remedies Revisited

The authors address and update the rec­om­men­da­tions for reform made in Judge Alarcon’s 2007 arti­cle, Remedies for California’s Death Row Deadlock,” pub­lished in the Southern California Law Review. These rec­om­men­da­tions deal with short­com­ings in the death penal­ty appeals process in California.

Remedies:
1. Automatic Review by the California Court of Appeal

  • Members of the CA Supreme Court unan­i­mous­ly sup­port­ed a mea­sure to amend the CA Constitution to allow cap­i­tal appeals (step 1, above) to be han­dled by the CA Court of Appeals. The Supreme Court would no longer be the sole body respon­si­ble for hear­ing cap­i­tal appeals and would sig­nif­i­cant­ly reduce the back­log of cas­es before. The amend­ment nev­er made it out of com­mit­tee in the state Senate due to con­cerns over pro­vid­ing addi­tion­al fund­ing for counsel.

2. State Habeas Petitions filed first in the Trial Courts

  • The California leg­is­la­ture could pass laws reliev­ing the Supreme Court of its duty to review every peti­tion for state habeas cor­pus relief (step 2, above) by requir­ing that orig­i­nal peti­tions for a writ of habeas cor­pus in cap­i­tal cas­es be filed first in the court that entered the judg­ment of death. Although this change would not require a con­sti­tu­tion­al amend­ment, the two bills that attempt­ed to make this change died in committee.

3. Increase Funding for Capital Appellate and Habeas Counsel

  • The hourly rate of $145 for appel­late and post con­vic­tion coun­sel remains far short of what can be con­sid­ered rea­son­able com­pen­sa­tion, dis­cour­ag­ing the few qual­i­fied lawyers from accept­ing death penal­ty cas­es. In addi­tion, if funds were pro­vid­ed for a con­sis­tent rep­re­sen­ta­tive in the state and fed­er­al courts dur­ing habeas review (steps 2 – 3, above), the cas­es would spend less time shuf­fling between state and fed­er­al courts as addi­tion­al claims are raised in fed­er­al court that must first be devel­oped in state court.

Reform and Abolition in Other States

  • New Jersey
    • After a Death Penalty Study Commission found that the death penal­ty cost the state more than sen­tences of life with­out the pos­si­bil­i­ty of parole, the leg­is­la­ture passed a law in 2007 abol­ish­ing cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment with the rec­om­men­da­tion that any cost savings…be used for ben­e­fits and ser­vices for sur­vivors of vic­tims of homicide.”
  • New Mexico
    • A 2007 court rul­ing stayed an exe­cu­tion because the state’s fail­ure to pro­vide ade­quate funds for defense coun­sel vio­lat­ed defen­dants’ 6th Amendment rights. After tri­al judges lat­er ruled that pros­e­cu­tors could not seek the death penal­ty unless fur­ther funds were allo­cat­ed, a bill was intro­duced in the House Assembly to abol­ish the death penal­ty. Gov. Bill Richardson signed it into law in March 2009.
  • Maryland
    • A 2009 law restrict­ed the state’s appli­ca­tion of the death penal­ty to cas­es where bio­log­i­cal evi­dence, such as DNA, video­taped evi­dence of a mur­der, or a video­taped con­fes­sion is present. This new law is expect­ed to save the state hun­dreds of mil­lions of dol­lars over time, as well as dras­ti­cal­ly reduce the pos­si­bil­i­ty of exe­cut­ing an innocent person.
  • Illinois
    • After Governor George Ryan decid­ed that the death penal­ty in Illinois was fraught with error” in 2000, a blan­ket com­mu­ta­tion was issued to all 167 inmates left on death row in 2003. A mora­to­ri­um on the death penal­ty per­sist­ed for ten years before the leg­is­la­ture approved a bill that abol­ished the death penal­ty in 2011.
We hope that California vot­ers, informed of what the death penal­ty actu­al­ly costs them, will cast their informed votes in favor of a sys­tem that makes sense.” 

Roadmap for Reform

Because the cur­rent sys­tem is the result of vot­er ini­tia­tives, any death penal­ty reforms in California must be imple­ment­ed through vot­er ini­tia­tives. The authors sug­gest 5 propo­si­tions to reform or abol­ish cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment in California:

Propositions 1 and 2: Reform the Death Penalty but leave its cur­rent scope unchanged
1. Direct the leg­is­la­ture to fix the sys­tem by pro­vid­ing ade­quate fund­ing for the appoint­ment of qual­i­fied coun­sel and by cre­at­ing an agency to ensure con­ti­nu­ity of coun­sel through state and fed­er­al habeas appeals.

  • This propo­si­tion would ini­tial­ly cost about $85 mil­lion per year, in addi­tion to the amount cur­rent­ly spent on the death penal­ty. The change would come from increas­es to the bud­gets of the Office of the State Public Defender, Habeas Corpus Resource Center, Attorney General, and California Supreme Court.

2. Amend the California Constitution to allow auto­mat­ic reviews to be under­tak­en by the California Court of Appeals rather than the CA Supreme Court. The Supreme Court could still have dis­cre­tionary review in order to cor­rect erro­neous rul­ings or resolve con­flicts among various districts

  • This would result in a net sav­ings of hun­dreds of mil­lions of dol­lars over time due to con­demned inmates spend­ing less time on death row.

Proposition 3 and 4: Reform the Death Penalty by nar­row­ing the num­ber of death-eli­gi­ble crimes
3. Reduce the num­ber of death eli­gi­ble crimes to 5 so that those sen­tenced to death tru­ly rep­re­sent the worst of the worst. (39 crimes are currently death-eligible.)

  • This would cre­ate an imme­di­ate net sav­ings of at least $55 mil­lion per year by reduc­ing the num­ber of death penal­ty tri­als by about half and reduc­ing the size of death row.

4. Narrow the death penal­ty to cas­es in which the pros­e­cu­tion presents sci­en­tif­ic or video evi­dence of guilt, or in which there is a record­ed con­fes­sion. This sys­tem is cur­rent­ly in place in Maryland.

  • This would result in an imme­di­ate net sav­ings of tens of mil­lions of dol­lars per year” by reduc­ing the num­ber of cap­i­tal tri­als and appeals.


Proposition 5: Abolish the death penal­ty and replace it with a sen­tence of life with­out the pos­si­bil­i­ty of parole
5. Assuming that the Governor would com­mute the sen­tences of those remain­ing on death row to life without parole.

  • Assuming the Governor were to com­mute the sen­tences of those cur­rent­ly on death row, this option would result in an imme­di­ate sav­ings of $170 mil­lion per year, with a sav­ings of $5 bil­lion over the next 20 years.