Los Angeles Times

By ANTHONY G. AMSTERDAM*

OP-ED

In 1987, the U.S. Supreme Court held, 5 to 4, that evi­dence of race dis­crim­i­na­tion in Georgia’s use of the death penal­ty was not enough to inval­i­date a death sen­tence under the equal pro­tec­tion clause of the fed­er­al Constitution. During the court’s pri­vate delib­er­a­tions (as Justice Thurgood Marshall’s papers have dis­closed), Justice Antonin Scalia admit­ted that the evi­dence did show Georgia death sen­tences were being hand­ed out on grounds of race, but Scalia urged the court to dis­re­gard this vio­la­tion of equal pro­tec­tion in order to allow the states to get on prompt­ly with the busi­ness of killing. The pub­lished opin­ion of the Supreme Court engi­neered Scalia’s pro­posed result in a less forth­right way, using a parade of rhetor­i­cal tricks to con­ceal the major­i­ty jus­tices’ aim of expe­dit­ing the exe­cu­tion of death sentences.

Now, in its rul­ing for George W. Bush, a major­i­ty of the Supreme Court intones solemn­ly that: A desire for speed is not a gen­er­al excuse for ignor­ing equal protection guarantees.”

In 1983, a major­i­ty of the Supreme Court reject­ed a claim by a con­demned Florida inmate that the Florida courts had vio­lat­ed his fed­er­al con­sti­tu­tion­al rights by fla­grant­ly dis­re­gard­ing clear, long-set­tled rules of Florida law in sen­tenc­ing him to death. The U.S. Supreme Court opin­ion, writ­ten by Justice William Rehnquist, declared that the fed­er­al courts and the fed­er­al Constitution could have noth­ing to do with the mat­ter, because Florida law is what­ev­er the Florida courts say it is, and their inter­pre­ta­tions of Florida law are unre­view­able by fed­er­al Supreme Court justices.

Now, in its rul­ing for Bush, a major­i­ty of the fed­er­al Supreme Court sud­den­ly dis­cov­ers that it has the pow­er to 2nd-guess Florida court deci­sions of Florida law.

The impor­tant point to notice in the pres­i­den­tial elec­tion case is not sim­ply the Supreme Court’s aban­don­ment of any pre­tense at behav­ing like a court of law. It is not even the sick­en­ing hypocrisy and insin­cere con­sti­tu­tion­al pos­tur­ing with which the court’s for­ay into pres­i­dent- mak­ing is dressed up. It is that the court final­ly has revealed unmis­tak­ably what it does all the time and usu­al­ly gets away with: mask­ing result-dri­ven, polit­i­cal, unprin­ci­pled deci­sions in the guise of obe­di­ence to rules of law which the jus­tices feel com­plete­ly free to twist and retwist to suit their purposes.

To steal an elec­tion in this way is bad but is not the worst of it. To take human life by deci­sions made in this way – as the court has done again and again in the past 2 decades – is among the greater crimes for which the court can now be held account­able on the record it has made for his­to­ry and eternity.

Anthony G. Amsterdam Is the Co-author With Jerome Bruner of Minding the Law” (Harvard University Press, 2000), Which Analyzes the U.S. Supreme Court’s Rhetorical Practices