A new study of the Texas death penal­ty, released as the state was con­duct­ing its 400th mod­ern-era exe­cu­tion in a case involv­ing a white vic­tim, has doc­u­ment­ed over­whelm­ing racial dis­par­i­ties in the Lone Star state’s cap­i­tal punishment system.

Reviewing more than 15,000 cap­i­tal mur­der con­vic­tions in Texas from 1973 to 2018, University of Detroit Mercy School of Law Dean Jelani Jefferson Exum (pic­tured left) and University of Cincinnati School of Public and International Affairs Associate Professor Dr. David Niven (pic­tured right), found a stark dis­par­i­ty” in whose lives mat­tered in Texas cap­i­tal cas­es based on the race of the vic­tim and the race of the defen­dant. The Texas death penal­ty data shows how per­va­sive race is in death penal­ty out­comes,” Exum and Niven write in their Summer 2022 arti­cle, Where Black Lives Matter Less: Understanding the Impact of Black Victims on Sentencing Outcomes in Texas Capital Murder Cases from 1973 to 2018, in the St. Louis University Law Journal.

Race,” they say, is everywhere.”

Exum and Niven found that a death sen­tence was more than three times as like­ly to be imposed in Texas in a case involv­ing a white vic­tim than in a case with a Black vic­tim. While 5.2% of Texas 15,394 cap­i­tal mur­der con­vic­tions result­ed in death sen­tences, death was imposed in 8.5% of white-vic­tim cas­es com­pared with 2.7% of Black-victim cases.

Taken in sum,” they wrote, we see: a race of vic­tim dis­par­i­ty in death sen­tences over­all; a race of vic­tim dis­par­i­ty in death sen­tences sort­ed by race of defen­dant; a race of vic­tim dis­par­i­ty in death sen­tences sort­ed by weapon used; a race of vic­tim dis­par­i­ty in cas­es with a sin­gle vic­tim; and a race of vic­tim dis­par­i­ty in mul­ti­ple vic­tim cas­es. … In every sin­gle com­par­i­son, the racial dis­par­i­ty was sta­tis­ti­cal­ly sig­nif­i­cant. In every sin­gle com­par­i­son, harsh­er pun­ish­ment was asso­ci­at­ed with white vic­tims than with African American vic­tims, who clear­ly mattered less.”

Exum and Niven con­duct­ed an analy­sis to deter­mine the prob­a­bil­i­ty that the per­sis­tent­ly large race-of-vic­tim dis­par­i­ties they found could have been the prod­uct of a race neu­tral process. That pos­si­bil­i­ty, they dis­cov­ered, was astro­nom­i­cal­ly remote — one in 180 septen-decil­lion (numer­i­cal­ly rep­re­sent­ed as 180,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000). By com­par­i­son, they not­ed, the odds of win­ning the Powerball lot­tery … are quite lit­er­al­ly tril­lions of times bet­ter than see­ing this dis­par­i­ty in race of vic­tim sen­tenc­ing in Texas hap­pen by chance.”

The white-vic­tim pref­er­ence in cap­i­tal con­vic­tions is so preva­lent that we even see a race of vic­tim dis­par­i­ty in non-death sen­tence cas­es,” they wrote. In the 11,139 cap­i­tal mur­der cas­es in Texas in which a death sen­tence was not imposed, those con­vict­ed of killing white vic­tims were sen­tenced to an aver­age of 51.3 years in prison, near­ly four years longer than the aver­age of 47.5 years imposed on those con­vict­ed of killing Black victims.

A Death Penalty Information Center analy­sis found sim­i­lar race-of-vic­tim dis­par­i­ties in Texas exe­cu­tion data. On August 17, 2022, Texas exe­cut­ed Kosoul Chanthakoummane, the state’s 575th exe­cu­tion since the 1970s. He was the 400th per­son to be put to death for a homi­cide involv­ing at least one white vic­tim. 69.6% of all Texas exe­cu­tions over that time have involved at least one white vic­tim, and 67.3% (387 exe­cu­tions) involved only white vic­tims. During that same time, 79 peo­ple were put to death in Texas for homi­cides that involved any Black vic­tims (13.7% of exe­cu­tions). 74 of those cas­es involved only Black vic­tims (12.9%). That meant that a Texas exe­cu­tion was 5.1 times more like­ly to have involved at least one white vic­tim than any Black vic­tim and 5.2 times more like­ly to have involved only white vic­tims than only Black victims.

The Texas exe­cu­tions also demon­strat­ed huge race of defen­dant dis­par­i­ties. While 238 of the 254 white death-sen­tenced pris­on­ers exe­cut­ed in Texas (93.7%) have been put to death for homi­cides involv­ing white vic­tims, only 70 of the 207 Black death-sen­tenced pris­on­ers exe­cut­ed in the state (33.8%) were put to death for mur­ders involv­ing Black vic­tims. 114 Black death-sen­tenced pris­on­ers were exe­cut­ed for homi­cides of white vic­tims (55.1%), 110 of which (53.1%) involved only white vic­tims. Just 2.4% of the white exe­cut­ed pris­on­ers (6 cas­es) were put to death for killing any Black victims. 

As the Texas exam­ple pro­vides, the devalu­ing effect of Blackness is appar­ent,” Exum and Niven write. This is not sim­ply a fail­ure to rec­og­nize the val­ue of Black lives — as the Black Lives Matter move­ment expos­es — but a reflec­tion of the soci­etal view that Blackness actu­al­ly reduces the val­ue and impor­tance of all things — from prop­er­ty to com­mu­ni­ty spaces to ulti­mate human­i­ty. In life, Black peo­ple are vast­ly under-pro­tect­ed by the law, and the same is true for Black peo­ple even in a sys­tem designed to exact ret­ri­bu­tion for death.”

History shows us that Blackness has been deval­ued since the found­ing of America,” Exum and Niven note. The truth, of course, is that Black vic­tims mat­ter as much as any, even if the legal sys­tem and soci­ety have not rec­og­nized their value.” 

Their pro­posed response: We must make the rad­i­cal choice to uproot sys­tems, like the death penal­ty, that allow the anti-Black bias­es in our nation­al con­scious­ness to not only thrive, but to be just. To do oth­er­wise is to per­pet­u­ate a sys­tem where Black lives matter less.”

When we accept the fact that the death penal­ty reveals that Black deaths do not mat­ter,” they con­clude, then it becomes appar­ent that there is not an antiracist fix for the death penal­ty oth­er than its abolition.”

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