In 2025, the United States executed 47 people, the highest total in over fifteen years, while public support for the death penalty fell to a fifty-year low and juries rejected death sentences in a majority of capital trials. That same year, Pakistan held 3,394 people on death row — one of the largest condemned populations in the world — while maintaining a de facto moratorium on executions that has been in place since December 2019 and failing to implement legal protections its own Supreme Court has mandated.
A new study by Hamza Saeed, a research and communications fellow at DPI and former communications officer at Justice Project Pakistan, provides a comparative overview of how capital punishment operated in the United States and Pakistan in 2025. It evaluates sentencing and executions, vulnerability among the condemned, implementation of legal safeguards, clemency and last-resort review, wrongful-conviction risk, international obligations, and policy direction against the standards each system has established for itself. The analysis draws primarily on the Death Penalty Information Center’s 2025 annual report on the United States and the Justice Project Pakistan and National Commission for Human Rights’ 2025 report on Pakistan, with limited supporting evidence from the Death Penalty in India Annual Statistics Report 2025.
The United States and Pakistan were selected as contrasting retentionist systems with different constitutional, institutional and political contexts. The comparison examines whether these different arrangements produce similar gaps between formal safeguards and actual practice. It identifies common patterns without claiming that capital punishment alone causes every documented failure.
Key Findings By Dimension
Who is condemned. Vulnerability is prevalent among those subjected to capital punishment in both systems. In the United States, 83% of the 47 people executed in 2025 had at least one documented vulnerability, including serious mental illness, intellectual disability indicators, brain damage or significant childhood trauma. In Pakistan, indigence, inadequate capital-defence representation, undiagnosed mental illness and, in blasphemy cases, religious-minority status can compound defendants’ disadvantage. These conditions do not all constitute categorical legal bars to execution, but they may provide important mitigation and, in defined circumstances, engage constitutional or legal protections.
The implementation gap. In both countries, formal safeguards frequently provide less protection in practice than their legal wording promises. In the United States, intellectual-disability and competency protections may be narrowed through rigid definitional thresholds, procedural barriers and restrictions on the retroactive application of later decisions. In Pakistan, the Supreme Court has recognised protections for prisoners whose severe mental illness or disability prevents them from comprehending the rationale and purpose of their punishment, but the required assessment procedures, specialist Medical Boards and forensic mental-health facilities remain inadequately implemented. India illustrates the wider difficulty of translating appellate safeguards into trial-level practice: 79 of 83 analysable capital cases in 2025 failed to comply with the sentencing requirements established in Manoj, which the Supreme Court subsequently reinforced in Dupare.
Clemency and last-resort review. Clemency is formally available in both countries but provides limited and uneven practical protection. In the United States, executive clemency petitions connected with 2025 executions were overwhelmingly denied, while the Supreme Court separately declined to stay any execution during the year. In Pakistan, 171 mercy petitions were pending in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa without a clear administrative timetable, published evaluation procedure or effective oversight mechanism. Abdul Basit’s presidential commutation demonstrates that clemency can operate, but the extensive institutional coordination required in a single exceptional case also illustrates the absence of a predictable and accessible process.
International law. The two countries raise different legal and policy concerns and should not be assessed as though they have accepted identical obligations. Pakistan remains bound by the ICCPR and retains capital offences, including non-lethal offences, that are difficult to reconcile with the “most serious crimes” standard endorsed by its own Supreme Court. The United States remains bound by the ICCPR subject to its reservations, but has not ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and is not legally bound by UN General Assembly resolutions calling for a moratorium. Nevertheless, its opposition to international moratorium initiatives and efforts to expand death eligibility indicate growing divergence from the broader international trend towards restriction.
Innocence. The irrevocability of execution gives particular significance to weaknesses in evidence, disclosure and legal representation. The United States has recorded 202 death-row exonerations since 1973, while cases involving Richard Glossip, Justin Wolfe and Robert Roberson continued to demonstrate the importance of post-conviction review in 2025. Pakistan does not maintain a comparable national death-row exoneration dataset, making the scale of wrongful capital convictions difficult to measure. The absence of comparable data should not be interpreted as evidence that the underlying risk is absent.
Hamza Saeed, Capital Punishment in 2025: Failing Their Own Standards., September 2026.