The Death Penalty Information Center’s new report on race and the death penal­ty in Georgia places the state’s death penal­ty sys­tem in his­tor­i­cal con­text, doc­u­ment­ing how racial and state sanc­tioned vio­lence con­tin­ue to influ­ence today’s admin­is­tra­tion of the death penal­ty. Examining Georgia’s History of Racial Violence and Capital Punishment released August 2026, notes the state’s well-doc­u­­men­t­ed use of state-sanc­­tioned vio­lence that has dis­pro­por­tion­ate­ly affect­ed Black com­mu­ni­ties for near­ly 150 years. 

The report is the lat­est in a series on race and the death penal­ty, detail­ing how acts of extra-judi­cial racial ter­ror influ­ence con­tem­po­rary legal sys­tems of pun­ish­ment. Georgia coun­ties such as Fulton and Muscogee reflect con­ti­nu­ity with the state’s his­to­ry of racial vio­lence by joint­ly account­ing for 44 doc­u­ment­ed racial ter­ror lynch­ings, while impos­ing 27 death sen­tences on Black defen­dants since 1973

Three land­mark cas­es have pro­found­ly shaped death penal­ty lit­i­ga­tion in the United States: Furman v. Georgia (1972), Gregg v. Georgia (1976), and McCleskey v. Kemp (1987). In Furman, the lead peti­tion­er, William Henry Furman, was a Black man whose case prompt­ed the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) to inval­i­date exist­ing death penal­ty statutes across the nation, find­ing it uncon­sti­tu­tion­al when applied in an arbi­trary and capri­cious man­ner that leads to dis­crim­i­na­to­ry results.” Four years lat­er, Gregg sig­naled the begin­ning of the mod­ern era of cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment with the Court’s autho­riza­tion for exe­cu­tions to resume. Then McCleskey brought the seri­ous racial dis­par­i­ties in Georgia’s death penal­ty sys­tem before SCOTUS, with empir­i­cal evi­dence show­ing race to be a sig­nif­i­cant fac­tor in cap­i­tal sen­tenc­ing; the cap­i­tal sen­tenc­ing rate in cas­es involv­ing white vic­tims was near­ly 11 times high­er than in cas­es involv­ing Black vic­tims. And Black peo­ple with white vic­tims were sen­tenced to death at near­ly 22 times the rate of Black peo­ple with Black vic­tims and more than 7 times the rate of white peo­ple with Black vic­tims. The Court’s refusal to rem­e­dy the racial bias in the McCleskey deci­sion has been wide­ly crit­i­cized as the Dred Scott of our time.” 

The report also exam­ines the lived expe­ri­ences of Georgia death-sen­tenced per­sons Keith Leroy Tharpe, Johnny Lee Gates, and Troy Davis. Their cas­es illus­trate how racial bias can man­i­fest through­out the cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment process — from the use of racial epi­thets and dis­crim­i­na­to­ry prac­tices in jury selec­tion to broad­er con­cerns about pros­e­cu­to­r­i­al mis­con­duct and juror bias. In each case, the defen­dants’ expe­ri­ences reflect a long his­to­ry of racial inequal­i­ty with­in Georgia’s legal sys­tem, while also echo­ing pat­terns doc­u­ment­ed in many cap­i­tal cas­es across the country. 

Near the time of pub­li­ca­tion of this report, the legal and death penal­ty com­mu­ni­ties marked the 50th anniver­sary of the Gregg deci­sion. Since its impo­si­tion, near­ly 200 Black peo­ple in Georgia have been sen­tenced to death. 

Commenting on the exe­cu­tion of Troy Davis in a September 2008 Democracy Now inter­view American civ­il rights activist and for­mer Representative for Georgia’s 5th con­gres­sion­al dis­trict, John Lewis provides perspective: 

…[T]his has a long his­to­ry. This is not some­thing that just hap­pened in the past few years, but [has] a long his­to­ry in the state of Georgia, and espe­cial­ly in the American South, of being so quick and so apt to elec­tro­cute or pro­vide cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment for low-income peo­ple and for peo­ple of color.” 

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