Race
Use of the death penalty has always reflected racial bias: the data show that who is prosecuted, sentenced, and executed depends heavily on race.
Overview
Race has always played a powerful role in the American death penalty system. From the earliest uses of capital punishment today, racial bias has continued to create critical gaps in fairness and justice.
Historically there have been significant sentencing disparities in death penalty cases, particularly when considering the race of the victim and the defendant. For many years, rape was a capital crime, and a strong racial bias was evident in these cases. In the first half of the 20th century, nearly 9 in 10 executions were for Black men accused of assaulting white women.
Race of victim patterns persist for all capital crimes. Dozens of in-depth studies over the past 40 years have found a consistent trend: defendants are significantly more likely to face the death penalty if the victim was white, even when controlling for factors such as the severity of the crime or the number of victims. Today, three-quarters of death sentences involve white victims, even though about half of homicide victims in the U.S. are Black.
DPI tracks and analyzes racial data in capital punishment cases, documenting how race influences who is sentenced to death and how the death penalty is applied across the United States. DPI also publishes research, studies, and reports that examine these disparities, both from a historical perspective and within the context of the modern justice system.
The legal system repeatedly failed Curtis Flowers, a Black man wrongfully accused of murdering four people. Mr. Flowers endured six capital prosecutions, each of which featured prosecutorial misconduct, over more than two decades before he was finally released.
Curtis Flowers was prosecuted for capital murder six times by the same prosecutor, Doug Evans. Two trials ended in mistrials, and three convictions were overturned due to serious prosecutorial misconduct. In every trial, DA Evans deliberately and systematically excluded Black jurors. At Mr. Flowers’s first trial, DA Evans removed every Black juror to secure a conviction and death sentence from an all-white jury. By the sixth trial, he had excluded a total of 41 of the 42 qualified Black prospective jurors.
One 2018 study looked at jury selection decisions in 225 trials presided over by DA Evans’ office involving more than 6,700 individuals called for jury service between 1992 and 2017. It found that prosecutors exercised peremptory strikes to exclude African Americans from jury service at nearly 4½ times the rate at which they excluded white jurors.
“The State’s relentless, determined effort to rid the jury of Black individuals strongly suggests…the State wanted to try Flowers before a jury with as few Black jurors as possible, and ideally before an all white jury.”
The state dropped its prosecution of Mr. Flowers in 2020, after the Supreme Court decision reversed Mr. Flower’s conviction and ordered a new trial.
Mr. Flowers spent nearly 24 years in confinement, most of it in solitary on death row.