New Jersey Senator Raymond Lesniak deliv­ered the fol­low­ing speech at the Memorial de Caen International Human Rights Competition in Caen, France on Sunday, February 1,2009. The com­pe­ti­tion includ­ed lawyers from Washington, D.C., France, Belgium, Guinea, Senegal, and Switzerland with speech top­ics rang­ing from gov­ern­men­tal to mil­i­tary abus­es of human rights.

The Senator’s speech below won first place in the inter­na­tion­al com­pe­ti­tion. He will donate his first-place win­nings, rough­ly $9,740 from the Caen City Council, to The Road to Justice and Peace: a non-prof­it start­ed by the Senator to advance the abo­li­tion of the death penal­ty around the globe, to sup­port the fam­i­lies of mur­der vic­tims, and to pro­mote humane alter­na­tives to
incar­cer­a­tion.


I come here today not to plead a case for a vic­tim whose fun­da­men­tal human rights have been vio­lat­ed. But, rather, to plead the case that the death penal­ty vio­lates the fun­da­men­tal human rights of mankind. In my coun­try, The United States of America, over 3,000 human beings are await­ing exe­cu­tion, some for a crime they did not com­mit. I plead the case that the death penal­ty in the United States, Iraq, Pakistan, Japan, wher­ev­er, expos­es the inno­cent to exe­cu­tion, caus­es more suf­fer­ing to the fam­i­ly mem­bers of mur­der vic­tims, serves no penal pur­pose and com­mits soci­ety to the belief that revenge is prefer­able to redemp­tion.

On December 17, 2007, New Jersey became the first state in the Union to abol­ish the death penal­ty since the U.S. Supreme Court rein­stat­ed it in 1976. When Governor Jon Corzine signed the leg­is­la­tion I spon­sored into law, he also com­mut­ed the death sen­tences of eight human beings. The Community of Sant’Egidio in Rome, Italy, a lay Catholic orga­ni­za­tion com­mit­ted to abol­ish­ing the death penal­ty through­out the world, lit up the Roman Coliseum to cel­e­brate this vic­to­ry for human rights.

How was this vic­to­ry achieved? First, by demon­strat­ing that the death penal­ty cre­ates the pos­si­bil­i­ty of exe­cut­ing an inno­cent human being. One of our found­ing founders, Benjamin Franklin, quot­ing the British Jurist William Blackstone, said: It’s bet­ter to let 100 guilty men go free than to imprison an inno­cent per­son.” Yet Governor Corzine and my leg­is­la­tion let no guilty per­son go free. It mere­ly replaced the death penal­ty with life with­out parole, elim­i­nat­ing the pos­si­bil­i­ty of putting to death an inno­cent human being.

Byron Halsey could have been one such human being. On July 9, 2007, Byron walked out of jail a free man after serv­ing 19 years in prison for a most heinous crime: the mur­der of a sev­en year old girl and an eight year old boy. Both had been sex­u­al­ly assault­ed, the girl was stran­gled to death, and nails were dri­ven into the boy’s head.

Halsey, who had a sixth grade edu­ca­tion and severe learn­ing dis­abil­i­ties, was inter­ro­gat­ed for 30 hours short­ly after the chil­dren’s bod­ies were dis­cov­ered. He con­fessed to the mur­ders and, even though his state­ment was fac­tu­al­ly inac­cu­rate as to the loca­tion of the bod­ies and the man­ner of death, his con­fes­sion was admit­ted into evi­dence in a court of law. The pros­e­cu­tion sought the death penal­ty.

Halsey was con­vict­ed of two counts of felony mur­der and one count of aggra­vat­ed sex­u­al assault. He was sen­tenced to two life terms: nar­row­ly evad­ing the death penal­ty by the vote of one juror who held out against it dur­ing the sen­tenc­ing por­tion of his tri­al.

After spend­ing near­ly half his life behind bars, post-tri­al DNA analy­sis deter­mined, with sci­en­tif­ic cer­tain­ty, that Byron did not com­mit the mur­ders. A wit­ness for the pros­e­cu­tion at his tri­al is now accused of those crimes.

But for the good judg­ment of that one juror, Mr. Halsey might have been exe­cut­ed, and the real killer would nev­er have been dis­cov­ered and brought to jus­tice.

Stories like Byron’s are not uncom­mon. Since 1973, 130 human beings on death rows through­out the United States have been released from jail for being wrong­ful­ly con­vict­ed. During that time over 1,100 pris­on­ers were exe­cut­ed. How many of them were inno­cent? 3,309 remain on death row through­out the U.S. How many of them are inno­cent? How many of the inno­cent will be exe­cut­ed?

It could be Troy Davis. He’s been impris­oned since 1989 in the State of Georgia for a mur­der he main­tains he did not com­mit. In one of Davis’ numer­ous appeals, the Chief Justice of the Georgia Supreme Court said, In this case, near­ly every wit­ness who iden­ti­fied Davis as the shoot­er at tri­al has now dis­claimed his or her abil­i­ty to do so reli­ably. Three per­sons have stat­ed that Sylvester Coles con­fessed to being the shoot­er.” Coles had tes­ti­fied against Davis at the tri­al.

On September 23, 2008, less than two hours before Davis was due to be put to death by lethal injec­tion, he received a stay of exe­cu­tion by the US Supreme Court. On October 14 the stay was lift­ed and the State of Georgia issued an Execution Warrant for October 27. Three days before this exe­cu­tion date, the 11th Circuit Court stayed the exe­cu­tion to con­sid­er a new appeal.

Will Troy Davis be the next inno­cent per­son saved from exe­cu­tion, or will he be the next inno­cent per­son exe­cut­ed? Does the death penal­ty serve any pur­pose, oth­er than to do harm to every­one involved, and soci­ety in gen­er­al? Does the death penal­ty even con­sole the fam­i­lies of mur­der vic­tims?

Not accord­ing to 63 fam­i­ly mem­bers of mur­der vic­tims who stat­ed, in a let­ter to the New Jersey Legislature:

We are fam­i­ly mem­bers and loved ones of mur­der vic­tims. We des­per­ate­ly miss the par­ents, chil­dren, sib­lings, and spous­es we have lost. We live with the pain and heart­break of their absence every day and would do any­thing to have them back. We have been touched by the crim­i­nal jus­tice sys­tem in ways we nev­er imag­ined and would nev­er wish on any­one. Our expe­ri­ence com­pels us to
speak out for change. Though we share dif­fer­ent per­spec­tives on the death penal­ty, every one of us agrees that New Jersey’s cap­i­tal pun­ish­ment sys­tem does­n’t work, and that our state is bet­ter off with­out it.“

Or more specif­i­cal­ly stat­ed by Vicki Schieber whose daugh­ter, Shannon, was raped and mur­dered, The death penal­ty is a harm­ful pol­i­cy that exac­er­bates the pain for mur­dered vic­tims’ fam­i­lies.“

Some argue that the death penal­ty is a deter­rent to mur­der, yet more than a dozen stud­ies pub­lished in the past 10 years have been incon­clu­sive on its deter­rent effect.

In tes­ti­mo­ny before the Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights and Property Rights of the United States Senate Judiciary Committee in February 2006, Richard Dieter, Executive Director of the Death Penalty Information Center, tes­ti­fied that states with­out a death penal­ty statute have sig­nif­i­cant­ly low­er mur­der rates than their coun­ter­parts with the death penal­ty. Mr. Dieter also tes­ti­fied that of the four geo­graph­ic regions in the U.S., the South, which car­ries out 80% per­cent of all exe­cu­tions in the coun­try, has the high­est mur­der rate. Conversely, the Northeast, which
imple­ments less than 1% of all exe­cu­tions, has the low­est mur­der rate in the nation.

Even those who believe the death penal­ty can act as a deter­rent admit that exist­ing research has incon­clu­sive results. Professor Erik Lillquist of Seton Hall University School of Law tes­ti­fied that recent econo­met­ric stud­ies con­clude that the death penal­ty can act as a deter­rent, but only if the death penal­ty is imple­ment­ed in a suf­fi­cient” num­ber of cas­es. Conversely, he also main­tained that oth­er stud­ies sug­gest that exe­cu­tions can cause a bru­tal­iza­tion effect,” in which the mur­der rate actu­al­ly increas­es.

Professor Lillquist stat­ed:

It just may be impos­si­ble to know what the deter­rent or bru­tal­iza­tion effect is here … at least as an empir­i­cal mat­ter — sim­ply because we’re nev­er going to have a large enough data­base that can be removed from the con­found­ing vari­ables, such that we can come to a con­clu­sion. When sci­en­tists run stud­ies in gen­er­al, we try to do it in a con­trolled envi­ron­ment. You can’t do that with mur­ders and the death penal­ty.“

Jeffrey Fagan, Professor of Law and Public Health, Columbia University and Steven Durlauf, Kenneth J. Arrow Professor of Economics, University of Wisconsin-Madison wrote in a let­ter to the Editor in the Philadelphia Enquirer on November 17, 2007:

Serious researchers study­ing the death penal­ty con­tin­ue to find that the rela­tion­ship between exe­cu­tions and homi­cides is frag­ile and com­plex, incon­sis­tent across the states, and high­ly sen­si­tive to dif­fer­ent research strate­gies. The only sci­en­tif­i­cal­ly and eth­i­cal­ly accept­able con­clu­sion from the com­plete body of exist­ing social sci­ence lit­er­a­ture on deter­rence and the death penal­ty is that it’s impos­si­ble to tell whether deter­rent effects are strong or weak, or whether they exist at all.“

The pro­fes­sors con­clud­ed:

Until research sur­vives the rig­ors of repli­ca­tion and thor­ough test­ing of alter­na­tive hypothe­ses and sound impar­tial peer review, it pro­vides no basis for deci­sions to take lives.“

While the death penal­ty inevitably exe­cutes the inno­cent, exac­er­bates the pain and suf­fer­ing of fam­i­lies of mur­der vic­tims and serves no penal pur­pose, the worse dam­age it does is to a soci­ety that believes it needs to seek revenge over redemp­tion.

The need for revenge leads to hate and vio­lence. Redemption opens the door to heal­ing and peace. Revenge slams it shut.

A soci­ety that turns its back on redemp­tion com­mits itself to hold­ing on to anger and a need for vengeance in a quest for ful­fill­ment that can not be met by those destruc­tive emo­tions. Redemption instead opens the door to the space that asks heal­ing ques­tions in the wake of vio­lence: ques­tions of crime pre­ven­tion, ques­tions of why some human beings put such a low val­ue on life that they read­i­ly take it from oth­ers, ques­tions that help us under­stand how to help those impact­ed by vio­lence; ques­tions that take a back seat, and are often ignored, when our minds and emo­tions are filled with a need for revenge.

Thirty-six states and the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment of the United States still impose the death penal­ty. The United States has more human beings in prison and more vio­lence than just about every oth­er civ­i­lized coun­try in the world. As long as we con­tin­ue to choose revenge over redemp­tion, it’s like­ly we will con­tin­ue to be a leader in the amount of vio­lence and size of our prison population.

It does­n’t have to stay that way.

When New Jersey abol­ished its death penal­ty, it chose redemp­tion over revenge, heal­ing over hate, peace over war. We need more states and our fed­er­al gov­ern­ment to make those same choic­es. Consider the fol­low­ing head­lines which appeared side by side in the New York Times: Iraqi Leaders Say the Way Is Clear for the Execution of Chemical Ali’.” The oth­er head­line read: Bomber at Funeral Kills Dozens in Pakistan.“

Both Iraq and Pakistan have the death penal­ty. After the announce­ment set­ting the exe­cu­tion date for Chemical Ali,” San Jawarno, whose father and oth­er fam­i­ly mem­bers were killed in attacks direct­ed by Chemical Ali” said, Now my father is rest­ing in peace in his grave because Chemical Ali will be exe­cut­ed.“

The two events, the bomb­ing in Pakistan and the words of the bereaved son whose father was killed, are not unre­lat­ed. We must speak up, at every forum, in our homes, our church­es, syn­a­gogues, mosques and tem­ples, in our leg­isla­tive bod­ies, wher­ev­er an oppor­tu­ni­ty exists, to con­vince polit­i­cal lead­ers, com­mu­ni­ty lead­ers, reli­gious lead­ers, any­one who will lis­ten, that the death penal­ty has no rea­son to exist, pro­motes vio­lence, and brings peace to no one: in the grave or not.

That was to be the end of my plea to abol­ish the death penal­ty. Then I read a report from Amnesty International about the 13-year-old girl who was stoned to death in a sta­di­um packed with 1000 spec­ta­tors in Kismayo, Somalia. Her offense? Islamic mil­i­tants accused her of adul­tery after she report­ed she had been raped by three men.

Will this sense­less, inhu­mane killing ever end?

Perhaps. The bru­tal­i­ty of the death penal­ty and of Islamic mil­i­tants can end, if we speak out against it, wher­ev­er it exists, in any shape, in any form.

The death penal­ty is a ran­dom act of bru­tal­i­ty. Its appli­ca­tion through­out the United States is ran­dom, depend­ing on where the mur­der occurred, the race and eco­nom­ic sta­tus of who com­mit­ted the mur­der, the race and eco­nom­ic sta­tus of the per­son mur­dered and, of course, the qual­i­ty of the legal defense.

I’m proud of the peo­ple of the State of New Jersey for elect­ing polit­i­cal lead­ers who end­ed this ran­dom act of bru­tal­i­ty. And I applaud Amnesty International for alert­ing the good peo­ple of the world to the bru­tal­i­ty of the Islamic mil­i­tants in Somalia who stoned to death that poor girl.

No good comes from the death penal­ty, whether it’s imposed by duly elect­ed gov­ern­ments, or by rad­i­cal, reli­gious fanat­ics. No good.

The bur­den of proof in the Court of Public Opinion should be on those advo­cat­ing for the death penal­ty. That bur­den has not been met.

Just ask Byron Halsey. Or Troy Davis. Or, if you could, that 13 year old girl.
- — - — -
State Senator Raymond Lesniak chairs the (NJ) Senate Economic Growth com­mit­tee and serves on the Judiciary and Commerce committees.